The Australian Parliament should revert to the punishment practices of our
neo-colonial days, namely execution and floggings, because the current
punishment/deterrent by prison incarceration has proven ineffectual, costly and fraught with
Social Costs.
Australian Parliaments should re-adopt the Corporal and Capital punishment
sentences that were assigned by the state Criminal Courts one hundred years ago
-
the year The Great War ended
- 1918 for some criminal behaviour
Reduce Australia’s pro-rataCriminal Justice System annual funding costs
and new occupant numbers by –
·
3% in one year - AUD$78 million;
·
5% in three years - AUD$130 million; and
·
9% in 10 years - AUD$234 million,
by
adopting some of the ‘crime deterrent practices’ that have applied to over 97%
of all Homo sapiens that have ever breathed air on terra firma
Government empirical data establishes that
prison does not effectively discourage re-offending/re-entering
In
the last 70 years circa in the UK, Canada and Australia, the pendulum has swung too
far to the left, thereby forgoing cost-effective
‘crime deterrent punishments’ that previously kept citizens out of the
‘prisoner education revolving turnstile’
Our governments are obligated to
expend the Public
Purse cost-effectively for the benefit of taxpayers.
Yet the
'punishment' and 'deterrent' capacity of Australia's prison incarceration system is
-
*
about 20% as effective as
Corporal and Capital punishment; and
* over ten times more costly
Safeguard
the QOL of tens of thousands of vulnerable, predominately young Australians, by
deterring them from
approaching that ‘revolving turnstile’ by re-introducing 'punishment deterrents' that
-
* have served over 97% of all Homo sapiens;
and
* were infinitely more effective than the current
‘crime education revolving turnstile’
A. Australia spends an
estimated $16 billion a year on our criminal justice system
(police services, courts and correctional services/prisons).
B. There are now 36,000
inmates in Australia's prisons, up 39 per cent from a decade ago - the
prison system costs
the Australian taxpayer $4 billion annually.
C. Australia's
$4 billion
annual prison system has created a "class of persistent criminals":
(i) 58 percent of prisoners have been imprisoned before (stable
over the past 10 years)
(ii) 44.6 percent of prisoners released during 2013-14 returned to prison
within two years (up from 39.5
percent five years ago)
(iii) 52.6 percent of prisoners released during 2013-14 returned to corrective
services within two years
A)
does not punish the convicted criminal demonstrably to deter others from
similarly entering the plagued and financially unsustainable criminal justice system (Section 5
below) due to higher priority alternative public expenditures; and
B) is
a ‘revolving turnstile’ that once having entered it, flips prisoners
back in again and again, because –
* prison is a meeting place for criminals;
*
prison is not a vehicle for acquiring social inclusion skills to gain
employment post-prison and re-habilitate back into society; and
* prison life offers three meals a day and a warm bed at night, unlike most
gaols 100 years ago, i.e. the former Dubbo Gaol where Winter nights were cold and
blankets few.
2. A few
journalists in the UK have espoused the merits of re-introducing hanging of
vicious murderers which would discourage others from murdering
“I favour hanging because of
its extreme swiftness when efficiently carried out, combined with its huge
moral force. There are
many arguments for the death penalty beginning with the placing a special
value on human life, moving on to deterrence. Beneath all those arguments
lies a religious question (this is the case with most major issues of our
time).
If man has no soul, and this is
the only life we have, and there is no eternity, nor any divine justice,
then the only arguments for the death penalty are utilitarian ones. In an
age of unbelief, I tend to concentrate on the utilitarian ones. But even
those lead me to the view that the act of execution, while not being
actively cruel or involving mental or physical torture, should be
frightening and violent, rather than pseudo-medical. I would be
cowardly if I did not say this. I do not enjoy saying it, or thinking it.
But those who wish to have anything to do with standing between the populace
and evil must sometimes face directly the unpleasant duties that may fall on
them. The main reason for the abolition of the death penalty is the
squeamishness of politicians, who enjoy office but do not like all the
duties which power loads on to their (often rather narrow) shoulders. Far
easier to them to leave the matter to some trembling constable with a gun in
a dark street, who can be disavowed if it all goes wrong later.
The use of medical-seeming
methods also tends to support the idea that crime is a disease rather than a
willful act of conscious evil.
I formed this view when I witnessed an execution by lethal injection.”
“A
poll in the U.K. in September 2010 found that 51 per cent supported reinstating
the death penalty for murder, comparedwith 37 per cent who oppose it.”
"…..
executions, especially where they are painful, humiliating, and public, may
create a sense of horror that would prevent others from being tempted to
commit similar crimes”
Does the current quiet sanctuary afforded at execution in Texas deter other
potential transgressors to the same degree that the supporters of Jesus of
Nazareth witnessed in the painful lead-up to Jesus’ ultimate death on public
display on a wooden cross that Jesus had to drag from town centre wearing a crown
of thorns whilst being whipped?
Answer:
A
painless injection in a quiet and private preserve does not instil the same
deterrent effect deployed 2,000 years' ago to discourage similar
transgressions.
3.Over
97% of the 109 billion Homo sapiens ever born are UN-likely to be wrong
about the deterrent effect of swift and sometimes brutal punishment, consistent
with a vicious murderer’s ‘modus operandi’
An
estimated 109 billion Homo sapiens have entered terra firma
initially congregating in East Africa approx. 125,000 years ago and then 75,000 years
ago or thereabouts starting to populate the planet.
Over 97% of those 109b have lived under a retribution system referred
to
(in the Western world) as Capital and Corporal punishment. The majority of the
current 7.6b human population today live under Capital and Corporal punishment
edicts. Rulers in countries such as China, Singapore, Vietnam, Indonesia,
the Arab States, North Korea ‘et al’ opine that incarceration is
costly and an ineffective deterrent to further behavioural transgressions.
Those countries seek to expend their Public
Purse more so on health and
educating citizens that will be productive taxpayers and do not take the ‘easy option’ by not similarly punishing criminal offenders.
Incarceration as an alternative to Corporal Punishment or Capital Punishment has been used by some Western
Countries only during the –
·
last scintilla of the 125,000 years that Homo sapiens has occupied ‘terra firma’ ; and
·
only the final speck of the 65,000 years circa that Homo sapiens advanced
beyond East Africa.
Western countries such as the USA and Australia should learn from South East
Asian and Middle Eastern Countries. China pumps a bullet in the side of the
convicted murderer’s cranium and charges the family for the bullet. There
is no protracted and costly appeal system.
Confining a vicious murdered to a steel cage until he dies at the taxpayers’
expense is not cost effective expenditure of the Public
Purse when that purse is already in deficit, and higher priorities exist (health and
education) that will achieve more taxpayers and higher productivity from some of
them. That is the priority in China, Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam
‘et al’.
The
same rationale applies for less serious crimes where flogging is a greater
deterrent than spending time at Her Majesties Expense which is often a
breeding ground for learning more about crime from other criminals and the "return rate" is almost 50%, perhaps because three meals a day and a warm bed
is appealing to some.
Islam practices Sharia law where punishment is often carried out on a Friday,
either executions or floggings. The deterrent effect upon those required to
witness the application of punishment is cogent.
Reportedly,
2,000 years ago a revolutionary/radical/outspoken named Jesus of Nazareth
challenged/criticised the behaviour/ethics of the local ruling Jewish
government.
Jewish locals muttered:
“This Jesus guy is right. He is on the money. We are getting screwed over by
the –
(i)Jewish tax collectors
appointed by the Romans;
(ii)
Jewish money lenders; and
(iii)Jewish false prophets in the holy temple that tell us to give them
my money and
they will get me into the next life.”
Jesus and his vocal followers represented a threat to the local Jewish rulers who ‘took
Jesus out’ in a brutal and public execution which was the medium of the era
to deliver the patent message to other potential transgressors “Don’t mess with us”.
As
was the case 2,000 years ago, punishment today has to incorporate a message,
“Don’t mess with us, because the price that you will pay will be painful”.
Why is that message necessary? To discourage prospective criminals from
entering the Revolving Turnstile because the prison system
includes material failings, not limited to cost on the Public
Purse, crime
education and proliferation of diseases.
The
last execution (by hanging) in Australia was Ronald Ryan in 1967. Australia’s
recent partiality for incarceration lacks the patent message: “Don’t mess
with us”. Whereupon crime is rife, too often exacerbated by crystal meth
'et al',
and punishment is not cost-effective. Prisons are often a breeding ground for
further transgressions.
NB: Likely, the brutal crucifixion of a radical known as
Jesus of Nazareth was
chronicled in the New Testament by spin-doctors “that did not know him from a
bar of soap” and born hundreds of years after his death. Some were canonised as Saints for the benefits to the church of their
creative, imaginative ‘spin’.
Jesus’ name and his courage remained in folklore for two hundred years
because only a handful knew how to write and fewer had the primitive tool to
inscribe a few words. Bic biros and note pads were over 1,900 years away. Jesus’ character was ultimately stolen in the pursuit of
‘crowd control’ and ‘power/authority enhancement’ by the early Catholic Church. (Crowd
control was probably the greatest benefit of Christianity). Jesus did not have 12 peaceful apostles, but rather a larger following of
disgruntled peasants. Nobody knows the names of his parents. There were no
Three Wise Men with wisdom to anticipate and herald his birth.
Eve did not eat a forbidden apple and give humans 'original sin'.
4.Capital
Punishment and Corporal Punishment practiced in Australia until the mid-20th
Century was swift, frightening and often painful
“Capital punishment had been part of the legal system of Australia since British
settlement and during the 19th century, crimes that could carry a death sentence
included burglary, sheep stealing, forgery, sexual assaults, murder and
manslaughter, and there is one reported case of someone being executed for
"being illegally at large". During the 19th century, these crimes saw about
80 people hanged each year throughout Australia”.
Although
Australia has abandoned capital punishment, it does not follow that it
could never be reintroduced. Nor does it mean that it cannot be
imposed on Australians travelling overseas, as illustrated by the double
execution of Barlow and Chambers who were hanged in Malaysia on 7 July 1986
for drug trafficking.
Whenever a
particularly vicious crime is committed, members of the public, police,
politicians and the press ‘reopen’ the debate on the death penalty.
For example,
as recently as October (1986) the 30 member council of the Police Federation
of Australia voted unanimously to press State and Federal Governments to
hold a referendum upon the reintroduction of capital punishment. The
issue of capital punishment is most often raised in respect of sex-murder
cases, acts of wanton terrorism, or the killing of police or prison
officers.
Over recent
years, a number of opinion polls have been carried out to determine the
public's attitude to capital punishment. Results vary because of differences
in the wording of the questions, and in the type and timing of the surveys.
A phone-in poll conducted in January 1986 by a Sydney TV station shortly
after a particularly gruesome sex-murder received over 48 000 calls. On
this occasion 95 per cent of the respondents were in favour of the
reintroduction of capital punishment.
More reliable
surveys, such as those run by Australian Public Opinion Polls or Morgan
Gallup Polls, have elicited pro-capital punishment results ranging from 70
per cent (in response to a question which specifically related to crimes
such as child murder, rape-murder or gang war murder) 7 to only 43 per cent
(where an almost equal percentage voted for life imprisonment when asked to
decide the appropriate penalty for murder. See Table 3).8"
"Flogging
with the cat for adult male offenders, and birching and parental caning for
boys, were still in use in South Australia in the 1950s, as may be seen in
several historical news items. The clearest picture of what the
"parental caning" involved comes in this May 1956 illustrated news item, where it is interesting to note that
one youth so caned was aged 17, despite the supposed upper limit of 14
(according to Cadogan)."
"The
first sentence of corporal punishment under the new Criminal Law Act was
carried out at the Woolloomooloo police station last Tuesday. There were
present the inspectors of police and other officers of the force, also Dr.
Egan, who was in attendance professionally as medical officer on the
occasion. Frederick Mildwater, the prisoner, is a man about 30 years of age,
and is said to have a wife and children. He is about the medium height, and
well built, but not stout or particularly muscular. At noon precisely he,
being stripped to the waist, was brought into the yard, where the
ominous-looking triangle structure stood ready to receive him. He looked
ashy pale, but his demeanour was determined, and he walked firmly up to the
place, where he was tied up in the usual way. Then the lash was laid on
vigorously. After about six strokes of the cat had been administered, the
appearances of punishment began to show up painfully, and as the seventh
stroke was laid on the unfortunate man spoke, or rather moaned out the
words, "Oh, don't. Oh, don't." After this he made no complaint, and scarcely
uttered a sound, but it was evident that he suffered terribly. Long before
the allotted number of lashes had been given the prisoner's back was ridged
with bruises, black and blue, with here and there a dark red stain that told
of terrible irritation. And finally, when the active punishment was over
(for the actual suffering in such cases must continue for a weary time) the
man's back was almost raw, and presented a truly sickening spectacle.
Mildwater appeared faint and ill, when he was cut down; but he was able to
walk away, and did so. He was afterwards removed to Darlinghurst, where he
has to do a term of six months' imprisonment, with hard labour."
"The cat-of-nine-tails is one of the major icons of
Australia’s convict past. From readers of Robert Hughes’ The Fatal Shore to visitors to the (now
closed) theme park, Old Sydney Town, Australian audiences have been captivated
by the spectacle of flogging................ Corporal punishment of convicts was frequent in the early years
of white settlement, but was increasingly curtailed, in theory if not in practice,
from the 1820s. Floggings of several hundred lashes were commonly reported in the first
two decades of settlement whereas, by 1832, the maximum sentence awardable in
New South Wales was 100 lashes."
The
Writer attended Catholic schools from 1955 to 1969 during an era when
‘spare the rod, and spoil the child’ was common parlance. He, and the vast
majority of his classmates, were whipped with a leather strap by school teachers
on the hand or buttock for indisgressions. From about 4 years old until about 8
years old if he, or his brothers, transgressed in the family home, his father
applied the wrong end of the feather duster to the wrongdoer’s open palm a
couple of times. The
Writer managed to survive and learn what was right and wrong in his household
and at his schools where school teachers were respected and occasionally
admired. Corporal punishment didn’t negatively affect the Writer demonstrably.
"Decimation
(Latin:
decimatio;
decem = "ten")
was a form of military discipline used by senior commanders in the Roman
Army to punish units or large groups guilty of capital offences, such as
mutiny or desertion in battle. Decimation was applied for approx. 500 years
leading up to 20AD. The word decimation is derived from Latin meaning
"removal of a tenth". A cohort (roughly 480 soldiers) selected for
punishment by decimation was divided into groups of ten. Each group drew
lots, and the soldier on whom the lot fell was executed by his nine comrades
by stoning or clubbing. As the punishment fell by lot, all
soldiers in a group sentenced to decimation were potentially liable for
execution, regardless of individual degrees of fault, rank, or distinction.
The earliest documented decimation occurred in 471 BC. during the
Roman Republic's
early wars. In an incident where his army had been scattered, consul Appius
Claudius Sabinus Regillensis had the culprits punished for desertion:
centurions, standard-bearers and soldiers who had cast away their weapons
were individually scourged and beheaded, while of the
remainder, one in ten were chosen by lot and executed. The
practice was revived by
Marcus Licinius
Crassus in 71 BC during the Third Servile War against
Spartacus,
and some historical sources attribute part of Crassus' success to it.
The number of men killed through decimation is not known, but it varies
between 1,000 (used on 10,000 men), or a cohort of around 480-500 men,
meaning that 48-50 were killed."
5.Australian
Parliamentary Report dated 2013 that examined
the economic and social costs of imprisonment concluded that the current justice
system with rising economic costs, as well as acute social costs (for
individuals, families and communities) is unsustainable. Similar findings
in England and Wales 10 years earlier
A.Chronicle the high monetary and social costs, as well as the
abnormally high re-offending rates following prison incarceration.
Experiencing life in gaol does not offer the same deterrent effect that
Capital and Corporal punishment does.
B.Evidenced that incarceration as a form of punishment is highly
cost-ineffective and a breeding/training ground for more complex crimes,
sometimes allied with newfound accomplices, because inmates are in regular
contact with other adroit convicted law breakers.
“3.24
Submitters commented on the health impacts of imprisonment. The increase in
prison populations has caused overcrowding in prisons, which impacts on prisoner
health. Drug use and related health issues are a concern with a higher rate of
hepatitis C and HIV manifesting in prison populations due to needle sharing.
The overall prevalence of hepatitis is estimated to be between 23 and 47 per
cent for male prisoners and between 50 and 70 per cent for female prisoners. As
many prisoners move in and out of the corrections system quickly, these
infections pose a risk to both the inmate and public health. Prisoners with
histories of substance abuse are also at a higher risk of death once released,
particularly death from drug overdose.[27]
3.25 The prison population is also at risk in relation to mental health. There is a high rate of mental health illness in the justice system with 31 per
cent of imprisoned individuals reporting they had been told by a health care
professional that they had had a mental health disorder in their lifetime, 'a
rate 2.5 times higher than the general population'.[28]
Conclusion
3.31 The increase in prisoner numbers is putting
financial strain on the Australian justice system, which is quickly
becoming unsustainable. Released prisoners are finding it difficult
to find work and are facing multiple barriers to reintegrating with
society. In addition, the removal of an individual from a community or
family can have long lasting effects, as well as increasing financial
burden. Due to the overcrowding of prisons, prisoner health is
deteriorating and those health issues are being transferred to society
with the release of prisoners. Governments need to address the long term
economic and social costs of imprisonment to prevent further development
of intergenerational offending, and occurrences of recidivism.
2.67 It is acknowledged that the Australian imprisonment rate has
been growing and that prison populations have reached an unacceptable
level. Drivers behind the increase in imprisonment rates include changes
in the justice system and the introduction of more punitive
measures as a result of 'tough on crime' policies. In addition, the
underlying social and economic determinants of crime compound systemic
changes. To halt the increasing incarceration rate in Australia, all
drivers of crime must be addressed.
"More than 60% of the heroin users and cannabis users reported that they had
used these drugs in prison compared with less than a quarter of the
life-time cocaine users. More than a quarter of the heroin users reported
that they had initiated use of this drug in prison. The extent of an
individual's experience of prison was related more consistently to heroin
and/or cocaine use in and out of prison than other personal background,
social history or psychiatric variables assessed. The findings indicate
that prisons are a high-risk environment for heroin and other drug
initiation and use."
6.A
few recent Australian vicious murderers that should have been brutally and
painfully executed, so as to -
* respect and measure their victims'
pain, suffering and loss of life; and
* discourage other
similar murderers
The
Ivan
Milat, Backpacker Murders
and the
Martin Bryant, Port Arthur massacre
evidenced 42 innocent people slaughtered. Milat and Bryant were not
required to pay for
their monstrous crimes with their lives when judges ruled that they could
never be released into mainstream society because of the risk of re-killing.
Unlike the earlier history of Australian criminal courts, Milat and Bryant were
not executed because our federal Parliament considers execution barbaric, no
matter what the crime/s and the brutal pain that they inflicted.
Martin Bryant
shot 35 people to death in Port Arthur Tasmania in 1996. He has been sentenced
to spend the remainder of his life in a maximum security steel cage at the
taxpayers’ expense of AUD$175,000 pa circa $150,000pa(Administrative Costs)
and $25,000 pa (Capex
Costs). He took the lives of 35 innocent
Australians, yet was not required to pay for taking those lives by foregoing his
life.
Between 1989 and 1993,
Ivan Milat viciously and sadistically murdered seven young backpackers, aged 19
to 22, in the Belanglo State
Forest, 15 kilometres from Berrima NSW. Five of the
victims were foreign backpackers visiting Australia (three German, two
British). Two were Australian travellers from Melbourne. Ivan Milat is
Never
To Be Released.
The
Australian taxpayer was sentenced to the order of $175,000 per inmate
annually for maximum security confinement,
because each was sentenced to occupy a steel cage at the taxpayer’s
expense until each dies. Can any politician articulate the logic of that
injustice to the victims and to taxpayers?
In 2012, Milat's great-nephew, Matthew Milat, and his friend, Cohen Klein, (both
aged 19 at the time of their sentencing) were sentenced to 43 years and 32 years
in prison, respectively, for murdering David Auchterlonie on his 17th birthday
with an axe at the Belanglo State Forest in 2010. Matthew Milat struck
Auchterlonie with the double-headed axe as Klein recorded the attack with a
mobile phone. This was the same forest where Ivan Milat had killed and buried
his victims.
Would
David Auchterlonie be alive today, and Matthew Milat, Cohen Klein not be serving
very long and costly gaol sentences, had Ivan Milat been executed by hanging
promptly following been found guilty by a NSW court of sadistically murdering seven backpacker? A conservative 'punter' would likely predict a
reasonable likelihood, say 40%, that David Auchterlonie would still be
sleeping, breathing and eating had Ivan Milat been swiftly
executed and not gaoled until his death by natural causes.
A
jury recently found Joshua Homann guilty of stabbing his
pregnant partner
49 times in the bedroom of their Mount Druitt home in Sept. 2015, thereby ending
two lives. He will likely be sentenced to life in a metal cage in a max.
security prison at the taxpayers' expense. The taxpayer is sentenced to pay for
Joshua Homann’s monstrous murder of two others with no commensurate payment by
the murderer involving the same fear of an imminent, cruel and painful death.
Martin Bryant, Ivan Milat,
Matthew Milat, Cohen Klein,
Joshua Homann, Graham Dillon and other similar sadistic murderers should be hung by the neck
until dead, with a least a dozen witnesses who are at liberty to describe what
they witnessed to a waiting media to publicise the old adage, "An eye for an eye". and
'Justice is done!"
The NSW
Bureau of Crime Statistics & Researchhas directed the Writerto the ABS
webpage (and the directions to the specific Excel file -
Then to the data section headed ‘downloads’, Then to the file “prisoner
characteristics” Australia Tables 1 to 13, Then to table 12) that lists the number of prisoners in Australian gaols
for various crimes.
Below is an extract of Row 43 of Table
12 which shows 529 prisoners serving sentences in Australian
gaols of 20 years and over:
Under 3 months
3 & under 6 months
6 & under 12 months
1& under 2 years
2 & under 5 years
5 & under 10 years
10 & under 15 years
15 & under 20 years
20 years & over
Unknown
Life
Other
Total
Homicide and related offences
4
3
10
36
215
389
341
496
529
4
404
48
2,486
7 The above details of a few notable murderers in Australia that
mirror similar atrocities in the UK and Canada, evidence that ‘political
correctness’, has over-corrected, and that we need to tilt back to former
Capital and Corporal punishment methodology that was diligently applied in
Australia to discourage similar atrocities (detailed in the
first
and
third
embedded
threads in Section 4 above). Time to turn-back-the-clock and
re-adopt the Corporal and Capital punishment sentences that were assigned by the
state Criminal Courts one hundred years ago - 1918
The
current judicial system has abrogated its responsibilities to the deceased
innocent victim/s in murder trials, which is a disappointing indictment of our
legislature imposed at the ‘coal face’ by our judges. If someone takes another
human’s life in a vicious, painful and premeditated manner, then that murderer should pay
swiftly with his or her life in a frightful and painful manner. This
realisation was/is fundamental to over 97% of all Homo sapiens that ever
breathed oxygen on ‘terra firma’.
The
judicial system holds a duty of care to other possible victims (open to be slain
by other potential mass murderers) to value and honour those lost lives by
swiftly and similarly executing convicted murders, not confine them to a steel
cage until they die from old age at the taxpayers’ considerable expense.
Australia, Great Britain and Canada have each tried long term incarceration
since the middle of the 20th Century. It is flawed as
evidenced in the
Chapter 3
and Chapter 4
in Section 5 above.
Similarly, formal legislative abolition of Corporal Punishment across Australian
states from the middle of the 20th Century was not thought through
because
Chapter 3
and Chapter 4
chronicle the high economic cost, social cost and re-offending rates by
prisoners who learnt so much more about committing crime from other inmates
whilst in gaol.
The
Writer recently discussed (with a retired magistrate) his views on the
inefficiencies of long term incarceration as punishment for heinous crimes
against other innocent human beings. He
told me that he could not support my views because of the occasional wrongful
conviction which is subsequently reversed. He found the prospect of
executing an innocent man unacceptable, seemingly at any cost.
Other people contend that executing a convicted mass murderer is
barbaric.
To seek to obtain a perspective of the value of a human life, as a reaction to the shooting of Archduke Ferdinand of Austria in
June 1914, 60,000 young Aussie males (from the other side of the planet)
were coerced into dying in WWI for some cause that they did not understand, like
19 year old Alvin Wilfred McHugh from Ulverstone Tasmania. Many lingered
for weeks after being wounded, before dying from infection. That was barbaric. Yet that was
condoned by the politicians that were perched ‘high on the hill’ and well
away from physical danger. There needs to be a relativity of the value of human life
taken by a premeditated sadistic murderer. An analogous price needs to be
paid.
Proof
of guilt is usually required to be “beyond
a reasonable doubt”. There needs to be a higher level
of proof for sentencing a murderer to death because his/her heinous crime/s
renders that he/she cannot be Rehabilitated.
If found
guilty “beyond any doubt”, where every person in the jury finds the
accused guilty beyond any doubt, then the murderer should be
executed swiftly and frightfully. Our
forefathers got it right (for them). Our politicians in the middle of the last
Century, merely transferred the
problem to others at considerable social and economic costs to others.
Section 4 above includes:
"Although
Australia has abandoned capital punishment, it does not follow that it
could never be reintroduced."
Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions (CDPP) is an
independent prosecution service established by Parliament to prosecute
alleged offences against Commonwealth law. CDPP webpage Drug
Trafficking, Selling and Cultivationlists the following penalties for
Trafficking, Selling and Cultivation:
life
imprisonment for commercial quantity of
controlled drugs
25
years’ imprisonment for marketable quantity of
controlled drugs
"Men over 18 convicted in NSW of serious sexual
crimes and some other offences (violent robbery, but also e.g.
"malicious wounding of cattle") could be given up to 50 lashes of
the cat-o'-nine-tails at each of three whippings.This 1883 news item reports on what it
says was the first such Judicial Corporal Punishment sentence under the then new Criminal Law Act.
Before
that 1880s legislation, courts in NSW ordered men to receive "lashes on
the breech (buttocks).
The earliest
case currently to hand being in 1824;
see also an 1841 case.
The imposition of a
criminal sentence upon a person convicted of a violent crime is an
important public function. It often entails the most awesome power which
can be wielded against a citizen -the deprivation of liberty. In years past,
prior to the abolition of capital punishment, it could entail matters of
life or death.
Because of the
diversity of violence and the diversity of its perpetrators, no simple
formula for the management of the violent offender can exist. What is
required is flexibility to select from a set of diverse options, so that
the response, be it punishment, treatment, or some combination of the two,
fits not only the crime but the criminal."
DETERRENCE
One of the fundamental principles on which the criminal justice
system is based is that of deterrence. It has become an article of faith that
a person's decision to commit an act of violence will depend upon his or her perception of the
probability of detection and punishment, the likely severity of that punishment, and, to a
lesser extent, the speed with which that punishment will take place."
ABC News website lists hundreds of
articles on
Drug and Substance Abuse and the associated social and economic cost to
the Australian economy that include:
"The need for recalibrating the criminal justice system has never
been greater. By almost every measure, Australia’s corrections
systems are failing to serve the purpose they were designed for: to
correct, rehabilitate and deter others.Australian
Bureau of Statistics figures show that by March, the population in
Australian prisons had reached 40,577, up 10 per cent on the year
before.
It happened after Martin Bryant shot dead 35 people at Port
Arthur in Tasmania in 1996; the fire-bombing of Brisbane's Whiskey Au Go Go
nightclub by James Finch and John Stuart in 1973, which killed 15; and the 2012
rape and strangulation of
Jill Meagher,
29, by Adrian Ernest Bailey.
The death penalty
was raised over the 2003 kidnapping and murder of Daniel Morcombe, 13, on
Queensland's Sunshine Coast, by Brett Peter Cowan; Julian Knight's 1987 Hoddle
Street massacre in Melbourne; and Ivan Milat's "backpacker" murders in NSW in
the 1980s and '90s.
Even this year, talk has resurfaced after a car was
allegedly deliberately driven down a Melbourne pedestrian mall,
killing six people and
injuring dozens. Dimitrious "Jimmy" Gargasoulas, 26, faces murder and
other charges.
Crusading
commentator-turned-politician Derryn Hinch opposed capital punishment for
decades before the horrific rape and murder of Sydney nurse, Anita Cobby, by
five men, including three brothers, in 1986. Hinch, a senator who heads
his own Justice Party, says the death penalty should apply in cases such as
Knight's, where no doubts exist.
"If Australia
had the death penalty, a lot of young women could be alive today," Hinch
wrote in 2012.The recent case of a motorist accused of deliberately killing
people in Melbourne has shocked the nation
"Mersina Halvagis (fatally stabbed as she tended her
grandmother's grave in Melbourne in 1997) would be alive today. Her killer,
Peter Dupas, would have been executed after his first murders. If sex
offenders served their full term behind bars, Jill Meagher could be alive
today," he said.
"If our touchy-feely parole boards spent half as much
time considering victims and their families as they do to rushing serial,
violent criminals back on to the streets, this world would be a safer place.
And if a federal government had the guts - or a state government had the
independence and backbone - to hold a referendum on the return of capital
punishment for some crimes, it would pass by a majority of about 75% to
25%."
"For Eileen Baldry, a leading
criminologist and University of New South Wales deputy vice-chancellor,
it’s a hard-headed approach, one that sucks up billions of dollars that
could otherwise go towards addressing the root causes of criminality
through early intervention,
diversion, prevention or rehabilitation programs.
Baldry says prison overcrowding is a product of failed political
leadership,
and shows governments are unable to withstand the populist compulsion to
incarcerate and appear tough on crime.
“I think it’s also a failure of intellectual or evidence-based
leadership,” Baldry says. “I have talked to a number of treasurers
over decades in NSW, for example, and laid out in front of them the
cost of doing this.
“In many ways, many people in the public service understand this and
do put these kinds of arguments forward. But, you know, treasurers
and other ministers, when I talk to them, and this is both sides of
politics, they say, ‘Look, I know that, I understand that, but it
will just not fly with the public. It just will not fly with the
cabinet.’'
---------------------------------------
"Former NSW director of public prosecutions, Nicholas Cowdrey, is
one of those championing justice reinvestment. He is lobbying the NSW
government to invest in the program in the 2018-19 budget.
He agrees the overcrowding problem is a failure of political leadership,
and an inability to see past short-term electoral cycles.
“Sensible policy, especially in this area, takes more than three or
four years to bear fruit and politicians prefer to stick with the
tried and tested approach of ‘tough on crime,’” Cowdrey said.
“There doesn’t seem to be much room for ‘smart on crime’. The
community bears the cost and the consequences of such tunnel-visioned
policy.”
Prison has long been considered an option of last resort in the criminal
justice system.
But Cowdrey believes it is no longer being applied in that way. The
rising incarceration rate, he said, is largely a product of increases to
maximum sentences and tougher restrictions on bail.
“Despite the lip service paid to the requirement that imprisonment
be the punishment of last resort, it is not so used,” he said.
"Keith Hamburger, who formerly ran Queensland’s jail system as the
state’s first director general of corrective services, said prisons
“basically around the country at the moment are overcrowded”.
But “just building more prison cells and stuffing people into them is
not the answer”.
Most in jail were on short sentences and with a lack of treatment
programs to help stop reoffending. The system cried out for “a different
approach from our policymakers”, Hamburger said.
“We need high-security prisons for dangerous long term offenders,”
he told the Guardian. “But we are building far too many prison cells
for people who churn through, spend weeks or a few months on remand,
a few months in jail, then go out again.”
Surging prison numbers were one
result of populist “tough on
crime” lawmaking by state
governments, including mandatory sentencing and tougher hurdles for
bail, Hamburger said.
Many people, especially women, were stuck in jail because they could not
access safe accommodation or drug treatment programs they needed for
otherwise willing magistrates to grant bail, Hamburger said.
“Now, if we had bail hostels with substance abuse programs attached
to them, we could take a lot of people out of remand prisons around
Australia tomorrow,” Hamburger said.
“We’re just going about this the wrong way because it’s ridiculous
when somebody gets a bail order, particularly for women offenders,
and they’ve got a substance abuse problem and inappropriate or
unsafe accommodation, and we slot them into jail instead of looking
for a more cost-effective option."
“If government put a bit of effort into that in terms of times and
resources, that’d be far more cost-effective than jail.”
Hamburger said the Indigenous imprisonment rate was “shocking and in
terms of trying to do something, I reckon that’s low-hanging fruit”.
One of the few signs of any fall
in jail statistics was the Indigenous imprisonment rate in the Northern
Territory and the Australian Capital Territory, which both fell by 4% in
the last year, according to the ABS.
Hamburger said the rise in overall prison numbers demanded “meaningful”
action on two main fronts: rehabilitating offenders and getting them
back to a “law-abiding lifestyle” in their community, and “dealing with
the drivers of social and economic dislocation that a lot of communities
are experiencing”.
“Most [offenders] come from difficult socioeconomic backgrounds,
have had problematic education experiences and many come from
abusive and neglectful families,” Hamburger said. “Than we put them
in prisons, which are basically [overcrowded] around the country.
“There’s a lack of treatment programs and the great majority of
sentences are relatively short sentences.
“So just building more prison cells and stuffing people into them is
not the answer.”
Championed originally in the US in response to huge
overcrowding in prisons, justice reinvestment involves the redirection of
corrections budgets to community priorities. Instead of spending money on
keeping people in prison, it invests in prevention: in health, education,
housing, employment – whatever helps.
The Aboriginal barrister and academic Prof Mick Dodson
says few people realise that it costs $400,000 a year to keep a young person
locked up in juvenile detention in NSW.
“If Cowra’s got 10 of them
locked up, you do the maths,” he says. “That’s $4m. Why not spend that money in
the community doing good things that keep those kids out of trouble?”
He hastens to say that justice reinvestment is not a
silver bullet or a free-for-all: “We’re not talking about keeping everyone out
of prison because some people who commit offences that are horrendous are a
danger to society and have to be locked up. But we’re talking about people who
can’t pay their fines, doing low-level crime.”
Australia is now spending $4bn a year on prisons: “That’s
a lot of money and it’s unsustainable.”
But although a
Senate investigation recommended a justice reinvestment
approach three years ago, Australian governments have been slow on the uptake.
The Maranguka justice reinvestment projectin Bourke is
the only major scheme in the country. South Australia has committed to two
trials, and the Australian Capital Territory has an official policybut no active program.
Cowra is a community
of about 12,000 people, with a “strong and proud” Aboriginal community who make
up 7% of the population, compared with 2% nationally. During many consultations
over the three years, the research team, led by Guthrie, met with
representatives from education, employment, health, community service, police,
judiciary and business sectors, as well as young people, parents, grandparents
and carers.
Kendal Street,
Cowra’s main road. The town’s Aboriginal population is
‘strong and proud’.
“Often communities
are asked to spend a bucket of money in a certain amount of time and this was
the opposite of that,” Guthrie says. “There was no bucket of money, no promise
of funds at the end.”
In the end,
Guthrie says, the project’s approach freed people up to think more broadly, “to
not think within the constraints of a certain amount of money”.
The research team calculated that the cost of
incarcerating Cowra citizens over the past 10 years had amounted to $42m.
Community representatives then worked through the crime categories behind that
cost, and selected which crimes they believed could or should be dealt with by
non-custodial sentences. They came up with eight categories:
1. Traffic offences 2. Public order offences 3. Justice procedure offences 4. Property damage
5. Drug offences 6. Fraud and deception 7. Theft 8. Unlawful entry with intent/burglary, break and enter
Those
categories, dubbed as “JR-amenable”, equated to about 50% of crimes committed,
offering a justice reinvestment “saving” and potential funding pool of $23m
over 10 years.
What to spend the ‘saved’ money on?
Priorities for
reinvestment in Cowra included: service mapping (noting the difference between
availability and access to services); keeping young people engaged in education
at all costs, through after-school, suspension, homework and mentoring
programs; employment and skills development; personal safety with an emphasis
on housing (emergency, halfway houses, hostels); and community transport.
Guthrie says
the research has built a model for other communities to explore and is hopeful
it will result in a scheme in Cowra. “I think we’d find it quite painful to
have to break the relationship now,” she says. “We’ve built the trust both
ways.”
West, the
mayor, says he has been pleasantly surprised by the support in the community.
He says: “We have young people out there who deserve to be looked after. You
don’t have to be young to make mistakes and get it wrong, so it’s nice to be a
caring and compassionate and civilised community, to
give people a fair go.”
But he says the
state government’s response to Cowra’s work has been
“frustratingly slow”.
The federal
opposition leader, Bill Shorten, highlighted Cowra’s
work in his response last week to the latest
Closing the Gap report card on Indigenous disadvantage, and the local state
Nationals MP, Katrina Hodgkinson, has championed the town’s plan within the NSW
government.
But that
political support is yet to translate into funding. “I’m personally
disappointed the progress has been very slow to date,” West says, adding that
Cowra’s proposal is exciting, innovative and backed by
broad community support and in-depth research. “The government has nothing to
lose and everything to gain.”
Why wouldn’t
they be absolutely grabbing it with two hands?
The community
wants about $750,000 over three years to appoint a program coordinator and fund
early groundwork and evaluation, including liaison with the more established
justice reinvestment program in Bourke.
The NSW
attorney general’s department says it “has received the application and will
arrange a meeting with the Cowra Justice Reinvestment project team to discuss
the proposal”.
Hodgkinson is
more inclined to blame the “slow wheels” of bureaucracy than government
inaction but also admits she is frustrated by the pace of progress. She says a
detailed proposal for funding was submitted to the then attorney general,
Gabrielle Upton, last October, but she has been making strong representations
for nearly a year.
“Why would they
be wanting to delay something that’s going to have great community acceptance
[and] be a positive for the New South Wales budget overall?” she asked. “I don’t
understand. Why wouldn’t they be absolutely grabbing it with two hands and
saying ‘let’s get on with it, let’s just do it’?”
The report, by conservative think
tank the Institute of Public Affairs (IPA), said despite spending an estimated
$16 billion a year on our criminal justice system, Australians felt less safe
than the citizens of many comparable countries.
Author Andrew Bushnell said Australia's
$4 billion prison system had created a "class of persistent
criminals" because it was failing to reform inmates.
The report — Australia's Criminal
Justice Costs: An International Comparison — said Australian prisons were the
fifth most expensive among 29 countries in the Organisation
for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
Sweden, Norway, and the Netherlands
made up the top three.
In Australia in 2015, the cost of
putting one person behind bars for a year was nearly $110,000. The OECD average
was $69,000 per person.
The study found incarceration rates
are growing rapidly — there are now 36,000 prisoners in Australia, up 39 per
cent from a decade ago.
"Over the past five years,
international figures show Australia's incarceration growth has outstripped
that of many comparable countries," the report said.
"Fellow common law countries,
the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Ireland and New Zealand all
reduced their incarceration levels over the [same] period."
The report also found Australians
spent more per capita on police than many other OECD countries.
In 2015, Australia is estimated to
have spent $427 per person on police services — ranking ninth highest in the
OECD.
"All of the countries ranked
higher on this measure either have significant terror threats or small
populations," the report said.
Mr Bushnell said Australia's level of
policing was now higher than all other common law countries apart from Ireland,
at 295 police per 100,000 citizens for the year 2015-16.
Australians 'worried about crime levels'
Despite the growth of spending on
prisons and police, Australians are more worried than ever about crime levels,
according to the IPA report.
It noted that in four polls between
2007 and 2014, Gallup asked people around the world whether they felt safe
walking in their neighbourhoods at night.
Australia ranked in the bottom third
of OECD countries in every poll, never higher than 20th — and, in the most
recent poll, as low as 24th.
Data from the independent government
advisory body, the Productivity Commission, backs this up, Mr Bushnell said.
In 2015-16 only 51.7 per cent
surveyed said they felt safe walking home at night, while less than a quarter
felt safe on public transport at night.
The report found there was
"mixed evidence" for whether crime was really more prevalent in
Australia than in other developed countries.
International comparisons of crime
rates are notoriously unreliable, but one statistic that is broadly comparable
is homicide.
On this measure, Australia ranks in
the middle band of 29 OECD countries, albeit higher than the UK and New
Zealand, and much higher than Japan and Norway.
However, since 2006, Australia has
seen a 41 per cent decrease in its homicide rate — from 1.7 per 100,000 people
to 1 per 100,000 people.
Prisons creating 'class of persistent criminals'
Mr Bushnell said his research
indicated Australian prisons were ineffective in correcting criminal behaviour.
Almost 60 per cent of prisoners had
been imprisoned before and 45 per cent of prisoners released during 2013-14
returned to prison within two years.
This, he argued, had created a
"class of persistent criminals".
The report advocates evidence-based
reforms, including locking up only the most dangerous criminals and dealing
with non-violent, low-risk offenders by way of home detention, community
service, fines, and restitution orders.
Mr Bushnell said police resources
should be concentrated in postcodes where crime was most prevalent and more
money should be spent on preparing prisoners for the workforce.
"No-one doubts that prisons and
police are vital government expenditures. But we are entitled to value for
money and we're not getting it," he said.
When you consider
Australia has a high level of reoffending, with more than half of released
prisoners returning to corrections within two years, it is clear that our
increased criminal justice spending is not yielding the results we might
rightly expect.
Addressing this
underperformance should begin with punishment reform for non-violent, low-risk
offenders. Violent criminals must be imprisoned to keep the community safe. But
for other offenders, measures like home detention and community service —
properly supervised of course — can achieve both retribution and better
rehabilitation outcomes.
Reducing reoffending is
the best way to reduce incarceration spending and crime. Unemployment is a
known correlate of crime, and the ample resources of our prisons should be directed
towards job training and literacy and numeracy. Policing has also been shown to
be effective in reducing crime, but merely increasing police numbers is not
enough. Police resources must be carefully targeted to known sources of crime.
Dr.
Weatherburn, the director of the NSW Bureau of Crime
Statistics and Research, called for a complete rethink of the way crime is
dealt with in the face of an exploding prison population and a political
obsession with being "tough on crime".
Despite crime rates falling sharply since 2001, the
prison population has increased, largely due to more people –
·being refused bail,
·receiving prison terms for
minor crimes; and
·staying in for longer.
Australia has about 36,000 prisoners and is
spending more than $2.6 billion a year keeping them there. It is the most
expensive and least effective form of reducing crime.
To reverse the
trend, Dr Weatherburn floated a five-point plan that
included locking up fewer offenders for minor assaults scrapping suspended
sentences and "toning down the political rhetoric".
With the prison
population in NSW hitting new records each month – it rose 12 per cent last
year to reach 12,121 in January – so too has the number of men and women
getting stuck in the revolving door of incarceration.
Sarah Hopkins, a managing
solicitor for the Aboriginal Legal Service and chair of Just Reinvest
NSW, said workers in the justice system had reached "an all-time
high level of frustration".
"We have this entrenched public conversation around ... the need to
punish and the power of punishment to deter crime. When you look at the
evidence, it simply isn't true. Harsh punishment does not deter people
from committing crime," she said.
Just Reinvest, a pilot project in Bourke, re-aligns money that would
have been spent on the criminal justice system towards education,
treatment and other services to tackle the causes of crime.
"With rates of incarceration of indigenous people, it's such an urgent
problem and it would be such a development if people could just start
embracing a commonsense approach," she said."
She said there was a myth that victims of crime want harsher punishment.
"Everybody would agree what victims of crime want is that the crime
doesn't happen at all."
The Productivity Commission found 44.3 per cent of adult prisoners
released in 2012-13 returned to prison within two years, an increase
from 39.9 per cent in 2010-11. In NSW, the average cost per inmate, per
day, is $237.34.
A spokeswoman for the NSW government said they would consider the
contents of Dr Weatherburn's paper. "Community safety is the
government's number one priority and this requires an efficient and
effective justice system," she said.
In
NSW, it’s approximately $250. By contrast, the
work of Community Restorative Centre ("CRC") was
costing an estimated $70 per day. Governments
continue to spend much more on locking people up
than on the cheaper options that prevent people
returning to jail.
Lou
Schetzer, from the Public Interest Advocacy
Centre, says: ‘It's dumb public policy. It's
dumb economics. It's costing the taxpayer an
enormous amount for these people to be
continually re-offending and re-incarcerated.
And we really need to look at a better way of
investing the public dollar that encourages that
reintegration into society so that people who
are released from prison can make that valuable
contribution to society.’
The Department of Corrective Services says
that under the new system, it will be spending
twice as much as it is currently on transition
programs. But there are concerns about the
efficacy of the new three month programs,
whether the pay rates can attract the degree of
skilled staff needed for complex clients, and
about case loads.
Professor Eileen Baldry from the University of
NSW, researches prison populations. Up to half
of prisoners have a mental health disorder, and
a significant minority—up to 15 per cent—have a
cognitive impairment. Professor Baldry has found
that there’s significant overlap of those and
other issues.
‘Post-release,’ she says, ‘you really need
skilled workers, you need a range of
connections to the range of service
provisions that that person will need, and
you need time.’
‘This is not something which is going to be
addressed in three months or six months.
It’s something that’s going to take a long
time.’
There’s a dearth of research in Australia on
what works in post-release programs. However,
Professor Baldry says overseas research makes
clear what model is necessary.
‘[What] we know works is, some people call
it “wrap around”, some people call it
holistic, some people call it a “fully
supported housing project”. That’s the kind
of program that is most useful. Because what
it does, it addresses either sequentially or
at the same time, a lot of those issues.’
‘Work, particularly in the United Kingdom,
some in Canada and a bit in the United
States, shows very clearly that the
recidivism rates from those kinds of
programs are very low.’
Don
Weatherburn, the director of the Bureau of Crime
Statistics and Research, says governments should
be focussing on recidivism above all else.
‘Well it's hugely important,’ he says. ‘We
tend to preoccupy ourselves with creating
alternatives to prison, forgetting that most
people going to prison this year, or last
year, are actually going back to prison.’
There’s more leverage, he says, in reducing the
prison population by reducing the rate of return
to prison, rather than reducing the number of
people who go there in the first instance.
Tackling recidivism is not politically popular,
however. The last NSW politician who tried was
the recently dumped Attorney-General, Greg
Smith.
His
former media advisor, legal journalist Michael
Pelly, says Mr Smith’s interest in keeping
people out of jail, where possible, was popular
for a while—including with the new Premier, Mike
Baird, who was then the treasurer. Prison
numbers came down, and jails were closed.
‘The treasurer thought this was tremendous,’
says Mr Pelly. ‘Less money: $70,000 a year
for an adult, $250,000 a year for a
juvenile.’
‘That adds up to a lot of hospital beds you
can provide. And a lot of deficit and
infrastructure you can build. And that was
all going very well until the pressure went
on, and the whole notion that anybody would
be seen as soft on crime.’
According to Mr Pelly, the pressure came largely
from one source: 2GB’s Ray Hadley.
‘Ray has very solid links to the police and
has a very particular view about law and
order policy, and his voice is extremely
influential.’
‘Each parliamentary office up at Parliament
has a radio selection. And I can assure you
that from 9 o clock to 12 o'clock, I'd say
80 per cent of parliamentarians had Ray
Hadley on the radio and had Ray Hadley
telling them for a good four months that
Greg Smith is soft on crime, was a raving
lunatic, that Barry [O’Farrell] should sack
him.’
Gradually, Mr Smith lost the support of his
colleagues. Mr Pelly says he was frustrated that
amid the noise of the law and order rhetoric,
the fact that the Attorney-General was aiming
for a safer community was lost.
‘This is the whole folly of the exercise.
That it doesn't allow for a nuanced
approach.’
‘Don't forget we were a penal colony,
founded on the idea that people could get a
fresh start. Macquarie emancipated the
convicts, made them productive members of
society.’
"But looking squarely at the bitter reality of our crime
statistics, considering
alternatives to jail for more offences,
spending on correcting
instead of warehousing
and trusting that our police are keeping
us safe are big steps towards a fairer, safer and more just
community."
12. Previous
polls and ballots on the pros and cons of Capital and Corporal
punishment have failed to present all the associated tangible and intangible costs and
benefits, so as to make an informed decision
“In Australia, capital punishment was banned on a state-by-state basis
through the 20th Century. Despite the ban, polls have indicated
varying support for the reintroduction of the practice. A 2005
Bulletin
poll showed that most Australians supported capital punishment. The
Australian National University's
2007 Electoral Survey found that 44 per cent of people thought the death
penalty should be reintroduced, while only 38 per cent disagreed. In the
recent case of the
Bali bombers,
then
prime minister
John Howard
stated that Australians expected their execution by Indonesia.[22][23]”
13.
Problems with the prison system in other countries
"Even Liz Truss, who as justice secretary has overall responsibility for
prisons, acknowledges that they're "not working" and are under "serious and
sustained pressure".
There have always been problems. For many years, internal reports painted a
picture of daily outbreaks of violence, cell fires and self-harm across the
prisons estate.
This overview of Canada’s correctional system leaves us with a
disturbing picture. We have focused primarily on provincial correctional
facilities, but indications are that the situation is just as bad in
territorial centres.
Without a doubt, the majority of provincial correctional facilities in this
country are either at capacity or overcrowded. We have seen reports of
institutions operating at nearly 200 per cent capacity, twice as many
inmates as the facility was built to hold.
However, as we have also seen, figures can be deceiving, and may
seriously underestimate the situation. The stated capacity of some
institutions has been altered to reflect the normalization of
double-bunking, and renovations made to older facilities may have created
more room, but not necessarily adequate facilities. The new capacity figures
may also reflect the fact that cell sizes are smaller and common areas have
been reduced.
With overcrowding there appears to be an increase in violence and serious
incidents, from inmate-on-inmate violence to incidences between inmates and
correctional officers. While most of the reports we have cited are careful
not to proclaim a direct causal relationship between overcrowding and
violence, they all see the two as having some connection.
In Nordic countries like Sweden, which have far lower incarceration and crime
rates, prison is about rehabilitation. And it works far more effectively.
Sweden's
prison system boasts impressive numbers. As the Guardian notes, in
the past decade, the number of Swedish prisoners has dropped from 5,722 to
4,500 out of a population of 9.5 million. The country has closed a number of
prisons, and the recidivism rate is around 40%, which is far less than in
the U.S. and most European countries.
Öberg believes
that the way Sweden treats its prisoners is partly responsible for keeping
incarceration and recidivism rates so low.
"It has to
do with whether you decide to use prison as your first option or as a
last resort, and what you want your probation system to achieve,"
he told the Guardian.
"Some people
have to be incarcerated, but it has to be a goal to get them back out
into society in better shape than they were when they came in."
In an
insightful article intheAtlantic,
Doran Larson explains how his research on prisons revealed that Nordic
countries' rehabilitative ethos produces tangible results for those
countries. Even in the high-security prisons he visited in Sweden,
Denmark, Norway and Finland, he observed some remarkable things:
While
high-security prisons in the U.S. often involve caging and dehumanizing a
prisoner, prisons in Nordic countries are designed to treat them as people
with psychosocial needs that are to be carefully attended to. Prison workers
fulfill a dual role of enforcer and social worker, balancing behavioral
regulation with preparation for re-entry into society.
It seems that
there's a self-fulfilling dimension to the way a society chooses to imprison
those that it deems criminal: If you tell someone they cannot get better,
they won't; if you tell someone they can, they might just have a decent
shot.