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Using cost‑benefit
analysis in
developed and developing
countries : is it the same?
Quah,
Euston 2017
Quah,
E. (2017).
Using cost‑benefit
analysis in
developed and
developing countries
: is
it the same?. Macroeconomic Review, volume XVI, issue 1, April 2017.
https://hdl.handle.net/10356/152298
https://hdl.handle.net/10356/152298

©
2017 The Author. All rights reserved. This paper was published by Economic
Policy Group, Monetary
Authority of
Singapore in
Macroeconomic Review
and is
made available with
permission of Monetary Authority of Singapore.

Using Cost-Benefit
Analysis In Developed And
Developing Countries: Is It The Same?
by Euston
Quah1
Introduction
Nobel laureate and economist Simon Kuznets put forth
the concept
of gross
domestic product
(GDP) in response
to a
need for
good data
in public
policy planning in the 1930s. Since then, policymakers have
increasingly relied upon GDP and other national income indicators. If only
one macro indicator is
available in
any given
country, chances are the
indicator is the country’s GDP. However,
as Kuznets himself and other critics of GDP have pointed out,
national income statistics are not ideal measures of welfare (Kuznets,
1934). Of the many criticisms, two of the more prominent are the
lack of
consideration of
equity and
the fact
that these statistics only measure economic activity and do not
account for non-economic costs of growth (Kuznets, 1962).
It is
a fact
that costs
of economic
growth are
often non-market in nature, often resulting in environmental
harm or
loss to
psychological well-being.
To properly
account for
the full
costs of growth, all such
items should be quantified and any changes
to their levels
should be meticulously
recorded. Additionally, to utilise the data for trade-off analysis, it is
necessary to assign monetary values to them. However, to maintain a complete
record of changes in the levels of all non-market goods requires large costs
which may prove too
high for
developing countries.
Often, developing nations account for these costs by conducting the analysis
at a micro level when considering public projects, differing from their
developed counterparts in this respect. As such, there
is a
need to
approach cost-benefit
analysis in developing
nations differently to account for both behavioral and executional
differences.
The Need
For Cost-Benefit
Analysis In
Developing
Countries
There are
three reasons
why the
need for
cost-benefit analysis is especially pressing for developing
countries. First, to catch up to developed economies, developing economies
need to grow even faster. The shorter the time frame for convergence, the
faster developing countries need to grow. The OECD estimates that 60 years
could be shaved off the catch-up
process if least
developed countries
grew at
a rate
just one percentage
point faster.
Second, most
of
theworld’s natural resources are
concentrated in developing countries. International pressure on developing
economies to take on greater responsibility
for sustainable
development and
for these nations to bear future responsibility for reducing
their carbon
emissions is growing.
Lastly, governments of developing economies face significantly
greater budgetary constraints than their
developed world
counterparts.
Therefore, given these reasons,
developing countries have to be extremely prudent about their choices of
projects and
face the
need for
optimal decision-making.
Thus, there is a great need for developing nations to adopt cost-benefit
analysis to ascertain
the net
benefits of
proposed projects.

1
Euston
Quah is
Professor of
Economics and
Head, Division
of Economics
at the
Nanyang Technological
University, as
well as an
Adjunct Principal Research Fellow of the
Institute of Policy
Studies at the National
University of Singapore. The
views in this article are solely
those of the author and should not be attributed to MAS.
Differences Between
Developed And
Developing
Countries
It is also essential to note the need for a different
approach to cost-benefit analysis for both developed
and developing
economies. Cost-benefit analysis must account for all benefits and
costs of direct and indirect effects, including externalities, with
valuation being as accurate as possible, reflecting the true social costs
and benefits. Distortions in prices due to taxes and subsidies, as well as
opportunity costs, must be accounted for while transfer payments should be
ignored. However, in applying principles, certain valuation
techniques commonly
used in
developed countries are not appropriate for developing countries and
these differences may result in erroneous cost-benefit analysis.
Labour
Markets
One example of this difference is within labour markets.
Unlike developed
nations, the
majority of the
workforce in
developing nations
is employed
in agriculture. Though
this will
not necessarily
distort a cost-benefit analysis, a significant portion of these
agricultural workers are employed in name only and paid a token wage despite
making no marginal contribution to the production process. Cost-benefit
analysis requires
that items
be valued at their
opportunity costs. Traditionally, any
project
that
results
in
a
labourer
moving
to
another position
paying the
same wage
would see
the new wage
being counted
as the
cost for
a project.
In this instance, there
is no opportunity cost associated with that labourer’s prior position and
hence, the cost is overestimated.
Additionally, levels of household production in
developing nations are higher than in developed nations. In developed
economies, household production can be priced because labour markets are
generally efficient and reflect opportunity or market replacement costs but
in developing economies, labour
markets are largely
incomplete and households
undertake most
household
production. This creates a valuation problem as techniques that rely
on market behaviour will be inadequate
due to
the incomplete
market for
hired help. Moreover,
higher household
production also means
that cost-benefit analysis, which does not incorporate this production, is
biased and inaccurate, skewing the accuracy of cost-benefit analysis in
valuing non-market work. The same argument can be made with the underground
economy.
Goods
Markets
Another major
difference is
that the
goods markets in
developing economies are likely to be less efficient than those of developed
economies because of information asymmetry. Also, distortions
brought about
by taxation,
subsidies or other forms
of governmental intervention mean that
prices do not
reflect the
true values
of goods. Therefore,
using prices
to value
input items
would likely result in an inaccurate cost-benefit analysis in a
developing country.
Apart from directly calculating the costs, inefficiencies
and distortions, goods markets also create
issues with
the valuation
of intangibles and externalities. Typically, in developed economies,
intangibles and externalities are valued in relation to consumption through
a revealed preference approach. However, the credibility of such revealed
preference techniques breaks down when
a goods
market does
not produce
prices that reflect the
true value of a good, leading to distorted demand curves and the inability
to properly use cost-benefit analysis.
Nevertheless, there has been a general consensus on using
shadow prices when accounting for market distortions. However, a problem
arises as exchange rates are required in the calculation of shadow
prices for
tradable goods
and the
rates for developing
economies often
fluctuate widely
and may
not be
appropriate. This
exacerbates the
issue of accuracy when using cost-benefit analysis, especially the
technique of shadow price calculation.
Financial
Markets
Financial markets in developing economies are also weaker
than those in developed economies, with private banks often wielding
considerable monopolistic power.
As a result, interest rates are usually higher than what a free market would
produce (Yildirim and Philippatos, 2007), giving rise to the issue of
discounting. As social discount rates take into account both the opportunity
cost of capital and a society’s time preference, the artificially higher
interest rates result in a higher social discount rate than is appropriate
for measurement. Consequently,
both future
benefits and costs
are then
heavily discounted,
causing bias in
favour of
projects that
yield short-term
benefits and incur long-term costs.
Due to
shorter lifespans
and lower
incomes, which are social
and economic characteristics of developing economies, populations from
developing nations
often have
a higher
preference for current,
rather than
future, consumption
when compared to the preference of populations in developed
countries. This
difference in
preference further raises social discount rates, albeit not as a
result of
some inefficiency
in the
market, but
more reflective of genuine differences in individual preferences.
However, where interest rates are inefficiently high because of the market
power exercised by local banks, use of the market discount
rate will
bias results
against projects
with long-term benefits as well. Thus, both the opportunity cost rate
and the social time preference rate used as discount rates in most
cost-benefit studies
need adjustment
downwards.
Behavioural
Economics And
Cost-Benefit
Analysis
In addition to fundamental differences between developed
and developing countries with regards to discount rates, differences in
behaviours also affect
experimental design
and results. This
difference in behaviour detracts from traditional cost-benefit analysis,
suggesting that both gains and losses have to account for psychological as
well as physical attributes.
Loss
Aversion
In practice, the study of loss aversion is the most
common example which alters measurement values
in cost-benefit
analysis. Theoretically,
gains and losses should be identical in nature and hold the same
valuation when it comes to measurement. In the case of gains, it is the
maximum amount that a person is willing to pay while losses account for the
maximum payment that a person is willing to accept for the loss. Results of
cost-benefit analysis should then be a summation of the respective
valuations of gains and losses, with the end results being similar
(Henderson, 1941; Mishan and Quah, 2007).
Yet, there
is a
significant disparity
when measured, with
values that accounted for a person’s willingness to accept being far larger
than his willingness to pay (Putler, 1992; Knetsch and Sinden, 1984).
Knowing that differences do arise when
considering people’s
valuations of
losses and gains, failing
to account for this will create inefficient
and often
biased decision-making.
This is especially the case when analysing developing countries where the
majority of the population is often poor, making them more risk- averse
since their margin for error is lower as compared to individuals in
developed countries.
The Choice
Of
Measurement
Another debate would be the use of appropriate methods of
measurement. Due to loss aversion, the
use of
the willingness
to pay
criterion, a
method of
measurement in
cost-benefit analysis, may
sometimes not be appropriate for situations where
willingness to
accept measures
should have been
implemented instead, leading to systematic undervaluation
of the
actual costs
(Knetsch,
2013).
This presents a danger in policymaking in developing
countries as policies that aim to counter actions that have negative
externalities such as pollution are likely to be under-weighted and there
may be an undue encouragement of activities
that have
negative consequences.
This explains lax environmental standards especially since the benefits of
economic growth are quantitative while the costs are subject to measurement
bias.
Sunk
Costs
Or
No
Sunk
Costs
Another behavioural oddity is that of sunk costs.
It appears that behavioural economics shows that many people consider
such costs while conventional
neoclassical economics
does
not.
This has serious implications for the evaluation of
infrastructure expansion. For example, should an old
ferry’s capital
cost be
included when
deciding a new ferry or
alternative transport mode? Behavioural economics, in considering sunk
costs, may seem to say so whereas standard economics may not. In developed
economies, this may not pose a major problem with a larger budget but in
poorer developing countries, it makes a big difference as to
whether the
old ferry
is kept
or scrapped. The
correct decision
based on
cost-benefit analysis is
that as long as the old ferry can still cover its operating cost, the
decision to have the new ferry should not be affected by this. In other
words, cost-benefit analysis
does not
consider sunk
costs.
Challenges In
Applying Valuation
Techniques In
Developing Countries
Valuation techniques in cost-benefit analysis may be
broadly classified into
two categories:
revealed preference approaches and stated preference approaches.
Revealed preference approaches are indirect methods that attempt to discern
the values of
items by
observing how
people behave
in the market. Hedonic pricing and travel cost methods are the
prototypical examples of the revealed preference approach whereas the
contingent valuation approach dominates the stated preference approach.
Still, most
revealed preference
approaches require strong
assumptions of rationality, perfect information,
and perfect
mobility to
be valid
(Quah and Ong, 2009), while stated preference approaches, including
the contingent valuation method, are susceptible to a large number of
behavioural effects
(Kahneman and
Knetsch, 1992; Carson
et al., 2001) and methodological biases. The lack of trained
interviewers in developing nations worsens the bias as well (Hanley and
Barbier, 2009), with the inability of both interviewers and interviewees to
differentiate between willingness to pay and ability to pay.
Misunderstandings are further exacerbated by cultural and linguistic
differences while the capacity
for proper
experimental design
is
limited given cash-strapped
governments. Thus, particularly for developing nations, these two valuation
techniques have obvious pitfalls which may render results dubious.
A third
valuation technique,
the paired
comparison approach, avoids the obvious flaws of the other two
methodological classes (Quah et al., 2006). The paired comparison
approach uses a survey to elicit individual preferences for public and
environmental goods. It avoids the need for the strong assumptions required
by revealed preference methods and also overcomes the key behavioural effect
that plagues contingent valuation
methods. However, it is argued that this method does not provide a measure
of the net benefits derived from a project though this concern can be
addressed by including monetary items in the paired comparison choice set.
Nonetheless, in conducting cost-benefit analysis, caution is still needed
when choosing the most appropriate valuation method in order to avoid
distortions.
Limitations
Of Cost-Benefit
Analysis For
Developing Countries
A serious
criticism of
cost-benefit analysis
is that
it may result in foregoing equity in the pursuit of efficiency. In a
typical cost-benefit analysis, the value of
a dollar does not reflect who receives the benefits
of a
project or
who pays
its costs. In a developed
nation, governmental channels such as progressive taxation redistribute
wealth and prevent the income gap from widening too much or too quickly.
Developing nations lack such channels, finding themselves a
victim of prevalent corruption, which results in most of the benefits
accruing to the rich and costs being borne by the poor, thus worsening
inequity.
Still, the argument in support of cost-benefit analysis
suggests that
weights should
be applied
to reflect the
relative importance
of monetary
values to different social
classes. While this principle is basically
sound, the
application of
this weighting
is highly problematic. For instance, there is the
technical
issue
of
determining
what weights
should be employed to
adequately address inequity. While it is clear that the greater the
importance attached to inequity
issues, the larger the weights should be, the appropriate calibration is
often difficult. Also,
there is
the possibility
of abuse,
with equity weighting being manipulated to produce any desired result
simply by adjusting the weights attached to a particular group’s welfare.
This is made worse in developing countries due to prevalent corruption, thus
reducing the ability of cost-benefit analysis to take into account equity
issues in these economies.
Conclusion
As this
discussion indicates, there are both similarities and differences between
cost-benefit analyses conducted in developed and in developing countries.
While the fundamental principles underlying cost-benefit analysis remain
unchanged, the methodologies that are most appropriate in each context may
differ due to behavioral and
economic characteristics.
In addition, the overall merits and limitations of cost-benefit
analysis shift depending on the state of economic advancement, though the
need for cost-benefit analysis is more pressing for developing economies,
especially since they must contend with a number of conflicting and yet
critically important goals.
On the whole, cost-benefit
analysis can only fulfill its potential if three important issues are taken
into account. First, cost-benefit analysis is
only meant as
a guide
and should
not be
the final
or only arbiter of
project proposals. Second, in
conducting cost-benefit analysis, the appropriate valuation techniques must
be selected. Finally, potential equity issues must be independently
considered and treated as an imperative complement to a robust cost-benefit
analysis.
This feature has argued that
cost-benefit analysis can, and
should, be
used by
the developing
world. However, conducting the analysis
requires one to consider several aspects such
as proper measurement techniques, the end-users and stakeholders, what the
appropriate investment decision criteria are, and whether there are
constraints on
the results.
The need
for systematic decisions
that make use of consistent and transparent
methodologies will be deemed valuable in formulating public policy in
both developed and developing countries.
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