JOHN HOWARD never wanted to talk about his booming 
						immigration program. It seems Kevin Rudd's lot doesn't 
						want to either. Why not? Because it just doesn't fit.
						For Mr Howard, it didn't fit politically. Didn't fit 
						with the xenophobic rhetoric he used to win votes back 
						from Pauline Hanson and to wedge Labor.
						For Mr Rudd, it doesn't fit with any of his professed 
						economic concerns - about inflation, about mortgage 
						stress and about climate change.
						You'd hardly know it, but we're in the biggest 
						immigration surge in our history. According to Rory 
						Robertson of Macquarie Bank, net immigration has 
						exceeded 100,000 a year in 12 of the past 20 years, 
						having exceeded 100,000 only 12 times in the previous 
						two centuries.
						The Howard government planned for an immigration 
						program of up to 153,000 this financial year, to which 
						you can add a planned intake of 13,000 for humanitarian 
						reasons, and maybe 20,000 New Zealanders.
						That doesn't count an increase in the number of 
						skilled workers on class 457 "temporary long-stay" 
						visas, nor the growing number of young people on working 
						holiday visas.
						In his first 100 days, Labor's Immigration Minister, 
						Chris Evans, announced an increase of 6000 in the 
						skilled immigration program for this year, a 
						liberalising of the working holiday visa scheme and a 
						committee to propose ways of making the 457 visa scheme 
						more effective.
						The third point in Mr Rudd's five-point plan to fight 
						inflation is to "tackle chronic skills shortages", and 
						part of this is to do so through the immigration 
						program. Clearly, the Government believes high levels of 
						skilled migration will help fill vacancies and thus 
						reduce upward pressure on wages.
						That's true as far as it goes. But it overlooks an 
						inconvenient truth: immigration adds more to the demand 
						for labour than to its supply. That's because migrant 
						families add to demand, but only the individuals who 
						work add to supply.
						Migrant families need food, clothing, shelter and all 
						the other necessities. They also add to the need for 
						social and economic infrastructure: roads, schools, 
						health care and all the rest.
						Another factor is that their addition to demand comes 
						earlier than their addition to labour supply. 
						Unemployment among recent immigrants is significantly 
						higher than for the labour force generally.
						Admittedly, the continuing emphasis on skilled 
						immigration - and on the ability to speak English - plus 
						the fact that many immigrants are sponsored by 
						particular employers, should shorten the delay before 
						they start working.
						Even so, we still have about a third of the basic 
						immigration program accounted for by people in the 
						family reunion category. You'd expect the proportion of 
						workers in this group to be much lower. So though 
						skilled migration helps reduce upward pressure on wages 
						at a time of widespread labour shortages, immigration's 
						overall effect is to exacerbate our problem that demand 
						is growing faster than supply.
The Rudd Government 
						professes to great concern over worsening housing 
						affordability. First we had a boom in house prices that 
						greatly reduced affordability, and now we have steadily 
						rising mortgage interest rates.
						The wonder of it is that, despite the deterioration 
						in affordability, house prices are continuing to rise 
						strongly almost everywhere except Sydney's western 
						suburbs.
						Why is this happening? Probably because immigrants 
						are adding to the demand for housing, particularly in 
						the capital cities, where they tend to end up.
						They need somewhere to live and, whether they buy or 
						rent, they're helping to tighten demand relative to 
						supply. It's likely that the greater emphasis on skilled 
						immigrants means more of them are capable of outbidding 
						younger locals.
						In other words, winding back the immigration program 
						would be an easy way to reduce the upward pressure on 
						house prices.
						Finally, there's the effect on climate change. 
						Emissions of greenhouse gases are caused by economic 
						activity, but the bigger your population, the more 
						activity. So the faster your population is growing the 
						faster your emissions grow.
						Our immigration program is so big it now accounts for 
						more than half the rate of growth in our population.
						It's obvious that one of the quickest and easiest 
						ways to reduce the growth in our emissions - and make 
						our efforts to cut emissions more effective overall - 
						would be to reduce immigration.
						Of course, you could argue that, were we to leave 
						more of our immigrants where they were, they'd still be 
						contributing to the emissions of their home country. 
						True. But because people migrate to better their 
						economic circumstances, it's a safe bet they'd be 
						emitting more in prosperous Australia than they were 
						before.
						My point is not that all immigration should cease 
						forthwith but, leaving aside the foreigner-fearing 
						prejudices of the great unwashed, the case against 
						immigration is stronger than the rest of us realise - 
						and stronger than it suits any Government to draw 
						attention to.
						Ross Gittins is the Herald's 
						Economics Editor.